Photo: RS Ministry of the Interior/ Facebook 2025-03-06
Photo: RS Ministry of the Interior/ Facebook 2025-03-06
After a Budapest meeting between Viktor Orbán, Aleksandar Vučić, and Milorad Dodik, Orbán’s chief bodyguard was tasked with deploying a large contingent of counter-terrorism police to Banja Luka in case they needed to help Dodik escape arrest by a Bosnian court, a VSquare investigation has found.
In late February, Hungarian special police forces were deployed to Republika Srpska with a covert objective: to facilitate the swift extraction of Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik to Hungary in the event that a Bosnian court were to order his immediate arrest over his separatist moves, multiple independent sources familiar with the operation told VSquare.
This did not happen, primarily for two reasons. First, while Dodik was indeed sentenced to prison, he was not arrested and was given the opportunity to appeal. Second, the Hungarian deployment and plan were revealed to multiple governments and authorities closely monitoring the region.
The cover for the Hungarian deployment was a joint exercise and training with local police.
Subsequently, in early March, tensions between Hungary and the federal government of Bosnia and Herzegovina escalated further, when a Hungarian military plane carrying a state secretary was prevented from landing in Bosnia.
Days later, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Minister of Defense, Zukan Helez, claimed that he had been informed about Dodik’s plan to flee to Hungary if his verdict became final.
Meanwhile, angered by Hungary’s bold move, U.S. counterparts issued a warning to Hungary’s special police forces, according to a source connected to Viktor Orbán’s government.
Hungary’s government and its special police force – Counter Terrorism Center (TEK) – did not reply to our request for comment. The U.S. Embassy in Budapest declined to comment.
Officially, both Hungarian and Republika Srpska authorities maintain that what happened was just a joint training exercise.
“Joint Exercise”
Milorad Dodik was indicted in 2023 for signing laws that nullified rulings by the Constitutional Court and the High Representative, Christian Schmidt, who is responsible for overseeing the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, which ended the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Dodik, president of Bosnia’s autonomous Republika Srpska (RS) entity, visited Viktor Orbán in Budapest on February 17, 2025, along with Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić. Following this visit, Hungary’s Orbán loyalist elite special police force, TEK – led by the Hungarian prime minister’s former chief bodyguard and trusted aide, János Hajdú – was tasked with preparing and carrying out the extraction mission if necessary. It is unclear whose idea or initiative this plan was based on.

Viktor Orbán shaking hands with Milorad Dodik in Budapest on February 17, 2025. Source: Hungarian PM’s Office
The ruling of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo was scheduled for February 26, 2025. In what was seen as a worst-case scenario, plans were put in place for Hungarian forces to facilitate Dodik’s escape from Banja Luka through Croatia to Hungary, the shortest and most direct route.
While it was widely believed in Bosnia that Dodik would not be sent to jail (he was only waiting for a first instance ruling), for unknown reasons, Hungarian authorities considered the possibility that Dodik – a close ally of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán – could face imminent arrest if the court found him guilty.
A source familiar with the details of the mission revealed that four operational units and one reconnaissance unit — totaling 70 men, along with vehicles and a large truck serving as a mobile operation command center — were sent to Republika Srpska for the mission from around February 24. To prepare for and secure the potential operation, extensive reconnaissance and surveillance were conducted, according to the source.
The reconnaissance unit conducting surveillance was dressed in civilian clothing, travelled and operated separately from the rest of the group – which arrived in vehicles with TEK signs on it and put on training uniforms.

Hungarian TEK vehicles near Banja Luka. Photo: MUP RS/Facebook
These non-covert TEK units were stationed at the Police Academy of Banja Luka / Training Center of the Republika Srpska Ministry of Internal Affairs in Zalužani, near Banja Luka between the city and the airport.
TEK is a member of the ATLAS network, a European coalition of special intervention units that regularly conducts joint international exercises. However, such exercises are typically publicly announced in advance and documented for public relations purposes. Additionally, there are no Bosnian units in the ATLAS network. Conducting covert reconnaissance before and during such a training exercise is also out of the ordinary.
Despite the deployment, Hungarian authorities remained silent about the “joint exercise” for several days. It was only on February 26, just hours before the ruling in Dodik’s case, that Hungary’s Counter Terrorism Centre (TEK) officially acknowledged the presence of its forces in Bosnia. However, a day earlier, Dodik himself had disclosed their arrival, asserting that the Hungarian special forces were in Republika Srpska to conduct joint exercises and train local police.
Botched Plot
Meanwhile, details of the operation were leaked at least as early as February 25 – a day after TEK’s arrival and a day before the court ruling. Croatian authorities became aware of the plot, according to a European government official specializing in security issues, who asked not to be named. Croatian journalists also contacted the relevant ministries, bringing the situation to their attention.
“I would assume that they would have stopped it anyway,” the European government official involved in security matters said of the alleged plot to carry Dodik through Croatia’s territory, referring to Croatian intelligence’s close monitoring of developments in Bosnia and Serbia.
The original plan was to extract Dodik over the Croatian–Hungarian border near the southern Hungarian city of Mohács without informing Croatian authorities, a source familiar with the details of the mission revealed. If necessary, Dodik could also be extracted via Serbia on a much longer route, crossing the Serbian-Hungarian border near the city of Szeged.

Hungarian TEK police in Republika Srpska. Photo: MUP RS / Facebook
According to the 2010 Hungarian law that established TEK and defines its responsibilities, the agency – a hybrid of law enforcement and national security – is not authorized to assist foreign politicians in escaping justice in a foreign country. Unless a direct Hungarian interest is at stake, such as rescuing a Hungarian hostage abroad or protecting a Hungarian government official, TEK is not permitted to intervene in such a situation.
For TEK to legally extract him, Dodik would likely need to hold Hungarian citizenship. There is no available information confirming whether he has obtained such status.
On the eve of the court ruling, February 25, after information about TEK’s arrival had already leaked, Dodik himself confirmed the presence of TEK units in the Republika Srpska National Assembly. “At this moment, these days, in agreement with Orbán, their anti-terrorist unit of 300 people has arrived here in Republika Srpska today, yesterday, and the day before, and together with the anti-terrorist unit of the Republika Srpska Ministry of the Interior, they are conducting training and exercises in that regard,” Dodik said.
According to 2022 data, TEK employs nearly 1,000 special police officers and 300 additional personnel.
Bosnian news site Klix.ba reported that the Border Police of Bosnia and Herzegovina received prior notice regarding the entry of 70 members of the Hungarian anti-terrorist police. A source familiar with the details of the mission also talked about 70 people. It is unclear why Dodik mentioned “300 people.”
Coming as Civilians, Posing in Uniforms
On February 26, a few hours before the court ruling, pictures of and information about TEK’s presence were officially released, including photos of what seemed to be basic exercises. TEK’s operational center truck was also visible in the images.
“Republika Srpska Director Sinisa Kostrešević and Director of the Center for Combating Terrorism of the Ministry of the Interior of Hungary Janos Hajdu signed yesterday in Banja Luka a Memorandum of Understanding on strengthening police cooperation between the Ministry of the Internal Affairs of Republika Srpska and the Center for Counter-Terrorism of the Hungarian Ministry of Internal Affairs to prevent and Exposing the criminal acts of terrorism,” the RS interior ministry posted on Facebook.

János Hajdú and Sinisa Kostrešević shaking hands in Banja Luka. Photo: MUP RS / Facebook
The court of first instance eventually found Dodik guilty, sentencing him to one year in prison and imposing a six-year ban from political activity. He has the right to appeal the decision and did not have to go to prison. Dodik mocked the court ruling and threatened, again, with breaking up Bosnia and Herzegovina. There was, however, no need for his extraction – the “worst case scenario” did not materialize.
The Sarajevo-based Center for Investigative Reporting (CIN) subsequently uncovered many oddities involved in Hungary’s alleged exercise and training mission. For example, the TEK contingent officially entered Bosnia as civilians, but emerged in uniform, according to the photos published. And the Bosnian foreign ministry did not have time to process the entry request of the Hungarian special police force, which entered without permission.
“The officers entered without obtaining the necessary permits from BiH authorities. According to our information – which we are still verifying – they crossed the border unarmed and in civilian clothing,” foreign minister Elmedin Konaković told CIN, adding that “entering the country with weapons without the proper permits and approvals would have been both scandalous and a serious issue.”
While TEK’s entry into Bosnia seems to have happened in a rush and without proper authorization, the Hungarian special forces claim that this was a long-planned exercise.

TEK’s mobile operation command center truck in Banja Luka with Hungarian special police forces and RS police, both in uniforms. Photo: MUP RS/Facebook
“The designated 70 staff members of the Counter-Terrorism Centre are participating in a training event in the territory of the Republika Srpska, within the framework of the international police cooperation programme, under a bilateral agreement. The foundations of the cooperation between the special operations units of the two countries were already laid in 2023, and the details of the current training programme (content, location, date) were agreed in 2024 by the leaders of TEK and the special police forces of Republika Srpska,” TEK told CIN and Hungarian media.
CIN also highlighted that there was no mention of this major joint exercise just a week before when Dodik and Orbán concluded their meeting in Budapest.
Tensions Escalate After Hungary’s Plot
Milorad Dodik, his family, and his inner circle have been hit by multiple rounds of U.S. sanctions. “Through his corruption and secessionist rhetoric, Dodik continues to undermine BiH institutions and enrich his family at the people’s expense, further risking BiH’s future in Euro-Atlantic institutions,” a U.S. Treasury statement in June 2024 read. RS interior minister Siniša Karan, who oversees the local police that worked in official cooperation with Orbán’s TEK, is also under U.S. sanctions for his separatist activities.
It is no surprise that U.S. authorities were angered upon discovering the hidden intent behind Orbán’s elite special police force’s mission in Banja Luka. According to a source familiar with the details, U.S. officials issued a strong warning to TEK, instructing them to refrain from similar interference in Bosnia in the future – or risk being excluded from international cooperation.
Bosnia and Herzegovina’s government also hit back at Hungary, a reaction triggered not only by TEK’s presence but also by high-level officials’ comments dismissing Dodik’s crimes. Bosnia’s defense minister Zukan Helez refused to let a Hungarian military plane land on March 3, 2025.
“Consent is sought for the landing of a military plane at Sarajevo airport and then at Banja Luka airport. Why exactly the military plane was supposed to land at the Banja Luka airport remains unclear, but in the context of the arrival of 70 members of the special anti-terrorist unit… at this time it is certainly symbolic… I am deeply convinced that the arrival of a military plane from Hungary aimed to provide some kind of support to Milorad Dodik and the clicks gathered around him in breaking up Bosnia and Herzegovina,” Zukan wrote on Facebook.

Hungarian deputy foreign minister Levente Magyar meeting Dodik in Banja Luka on March 3, 2025. The military plane carrying Magyar wasn’t allowed to land in Bosnia. Photo: Levente Magyar’s Facebook page
Meanwhile, the Hungarian ambassador to Bosnia was summoned and presented with a protest note. “The Hungarian envoy was informed that Bosnia and Herzegovina would not grant entry permits for Hungarian military police forces in the future. Additionally, Bosnia and Herzegovina will request the removal of the Hungarian contingent from EUFOR’s ALTHEA mission, citing concerns over Budapest’s involvement in the country’s internal affairs,” N1 wrote.
On March 5, defense minister Zukan Helez told Radio Free Europe’s Bosnian service that he had received “quite reliable information” that Milorad Dodik was preparing to escape. “If the verdict is confirmed, his option is to flee to Hungary,” the minister said.
That same day, Dodik exercised another option: he signed laws barring the central government’s police and judiciary from operating within Republika Srpska, further escalating his separatist actions.
The Hungarian plot to save Dodik from jail is the latest in a series of similar interventions by Orbán to protect his right-wing populist allies around the world facing charges of corruption or abuse of office.
In 2018, Hungarian foreign intelligence helped North Macedonia’s former prime minister, Nikola Gruevski, evade arrest and escape to Hungary, after which he was granted asylum.
In 2024, former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro took refuge for two days at the Hungarian Embassy in Brazil, fearing arrest after his passport was confiscated.
Later that year, Poland’s former deputy justice minister, Marcin Romanowski – who faced 11 corruption and abuse-of-office charges and is wanted under a European Arrest Warrant – fled to Hungary and was granted asylum.
This story is based on VSquare’s Goulash newsletter – read the full issue here with fresh scoops and a round-up of our latest investigations from Central Europe.
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VSquare’s Budapest-based lead investigative editor in charge of Central European investigations, Szabolcs Panyi is also a Hungarian investigative journalist at Direkt36. He covers national security, foreign policy, and Russian and Chinese influence. He was a European Press Prize finalist in 2018 and 2021.